top of page
Cerca

The Red Sea crisis: how the Houthi threat is shaking global trade

Viviana Ferrero

In a surprising turn, the Red Sea has recently emerged as a global hotspot, where vital trade routes and political alliances are clashing with rising instability (Ardemagni, 2024). The source of much of the tension can be traced to the Houthis, a Yemeni Shiite militia that has evolved from a local resistance group into an international player capable of destabilizing the region. This transformation has brought the Red Sea—a lifeline for global shipping—into the center of the world stage, with implications that stretch far beyond the Middle East (Zuccari, 2024).


The Houthis, a group rooted in Yemen’s Zaydi Shiite minority, have been active since the early 2000s, initially targeting the Yemeni government and rejecting foreign intervention. But over the past two decades, their focus and reach have broadened dramatically, moving from local resistance to international influence (General Assembly , 1974). With significant support from Iran, the Houthis have acquired advanced weaponry and tactical skills that have enabled them to strike at commercial routes in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb, a critical chokepoint for global trade (Molteni, 2024). Their reach has grown in both scale and sophistication, making them a key force in Middle Eastern geopolitics.


Since early 2023, Houthi attacks on commercial vessels have escalated to levels before unseen (UN Security Council, 2024). Deploying drones and ballistic missiles from Yemen, the group has repeatedly targeted ships passing through the region (Ahmed Elimam, 2023). In many cases, these attacks are linked to broader regional conflicts, as missiles appear to be aimed toward Israel (ALJAZEERA, 2023), underscoring the Houthis’ alignment with anti-Israel factions (Giansiracusa, 2023). In the first quarter of 2024 alone, more than 200 attacks were reported, leaving shipping companies with difficult choices (Wilmshurst, 2023): risk passing through increasingly dangerous waters or divert around Africa’s Cape of Good Hope (International Court of Justice, 2005) (International Court of Justice, 2003), an option that adds substantial costs and delays to supply chains already stretched thin (O’Meara, 2022).


As these attacks mount, the international response has intensified (Dinstein, 2017). In the lead, the United States launched "Operation Prosperity Guardian," enlisting Task Force 153, a coalition designed to protect the key trade routes passing through the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. With support from allies including the UK, Italy, and France, the coalition has deployed naval assets to shield commercial vessels from Houthi aggression. In addition, the European Union has launched its own operation, "EUNAVFOR Aspides," focused on securing the Red Sea through a blend of military and diplomatic efforts (CARLI, 2024). Besides patrolling these waters, the EU is strengthening diplomatic ties with Gulf states and regional powers in an effort to stabilize the area (PESC, 2024).


However, as military responses ramp up, the Houthis’ actions also raise serious legal questions (UN Security Council, 2001). The attacks violate international law on freedom of navigation (team, 2024), established under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which guarantees safe passage through international waterways like Bab el-Mandeb. These acts of aggression not only infringe on economic interests but also threaten the stability of one of the most critical maritime corridors in the world. Under the SUA Convention, which targets unlawful maritime acts, the Houthis’ actions could even be classified as maritime terrorism, adding further legal weight to calls for international intervention (A.A. KHALDOON, 2018).


For leaders addressing the Red Sea crisis, there is a recognition that military solutions alone may not suffice. Instead, they are pushing for a balanced approach that combines security operations with intensified diplomatic engagement (EU, 2023). While the immediate goal remains to neutralize the Houthis’ threat and secure safe passage for maritime traffic, the long-term stability of the Red Sea will require sustained international collaboration and a carefully coordinated response.

 

The Red Sea crisis has evolved into a complex challenge that tests not only international law but also the ability of global powers to protect trade and uphold regional security. The determination of the international community to safeguard the Red Sea reflects a broader commitment to stabilizing the vital infrastructure that underpins global commerce. For now, the world will be watching closely as the international coalition works to navigate the delicate balance between defending one of the world’s most important trade routes and maintaining a fragile peace in one of its most volatile regions (Zamuner, 2024).

 



Bibliography:

-       “EUNAVFOR ASPIDES: Warship shot down 2 UAVs

-       ELIMAM, P. SYEWART, T. SOLSIVK, Vessel attacked in Red Sea off Yemen coast, US blames Houthis, in Reuters, 18 December 2023

-       GIANSIRACUSA, In Mar Rosso il cacciatorpediniere USS Carney abbatte missili e droni lanciati dallo Yemen, in Ares Osservatorio Difesa, 20 October 2023.

-       A.A. KHALDOON, S.S. JATSWAN, The Influence of Geography in Asymmetric Conflicts in Narrow Seas and the Houthi Insurgency in Yemen, in Malaysian Journal of International Relations 6.1, 2018

-       ALJAZEERA, Yemen’s Houthis warn they will target all Israel-bound ships in Red Sea, 9 December 2023.

-       COUNCIL CONCLUSIONS on the Revised EU Maritime Security Strategy (EUMSS) and its Action Plan, 14280/23, 24 October 2023

-       Decision (PESC) 2024/583 of the Council

-       E. Ardemagni, Gli Houthi: storia ed evoluzione del movimento armato yemenita, in ISPI (Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale), 10 July 2024.

-       E. CARLI, La missione EUNAVFOR Aspides dell’Unione Europea e l’applicazione ratione temporis del diritto di legittima difesa

-       E. WILMSHURST, The Chatham House Principles of International Law on the Use of Force in Self-Defence, in International & Comparative Law Quarterly, 2005

-       O’MEARA, Reconceptualising the right of self-defence against ‘imminent’ armed attacks, in Journal on the Use of Force and International Law, 2022

-       ZAMUNER, La tutela della libertà di navigazione nel Mar Rosso e la legittima difesa nel Diritto Internazionale

-       International Court of Justice, “Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda)

-       International Court of Justice, “Military and Paramilitary Activities in und against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America)”, cit., p. 103, par. 194;

-       International Court of Justice, “Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States of America)

-       L. ZUCCARI, Osservatorio sul Consiglio di Sicurezza N. 3/2024: Il diritto degli Stati di difendere le proprie navi mercantili tra la risoluzione 2722 (2024) del consiglio di sicurezza e il diritto internazionale

-       M. MOLTENI, L’ascesa degli Houthi da miliziani dello Yemen a corsari del Mar Rosso, in Analisi Difesa, 11 January 2024

-       Resolution 1368/2001, adopted by the Security Council at its 4370 meeting on 12 September 2001

-       Resolution 1373/2001, adopted by the Security Council at its 4385 meeting on 28 September 2001

-       Resolution 2739/2024, adopted by the Security Council during the Assembly n. 9672, on 27 June 2024

-       Resolution 3314/1974, adopted by the General Assembly at its 2319 plenary meeting on 14 December 1974, art. 3, lett. d.

-       Y. DINSTEIN, War, Aggression and Self-Defence

 

6 visualizzazioni0 commenti

Post recenti

Mostra tutti

Comments


Modulo di iscrizione

Il tuo modulo è stato inviato!

©2021 di Bocconi-students International Law Society. Creato con Wix.com

bottom of page